Po wycofaniu się USA z Afganistanu i przejęciu władzy przez talibów, religijny uczony, dr Attia 'Adlan, były parlamentarzysta egipski i obecny członek Międzynarodowego Związku Muzułmańskich Uczonych (IUMS), który jest popierany przez Katar i Turcję, opublikował artykuł na stronie internetowej IUMS, w którym broni Taliban przeciwko  krytykom. Stanowczo odrzucając obawy wyrażane przez wielu w świecie muzułmańskim dotyczące dojścia Talibanu do władzy w Afganistanie, 'Adlan twierdził, że jego członkowie są „godnymi podziwu ludźmi”, absolwentami znakomitych szkół szariatu, którzy trzymają się tradycji i unikają grzechu i którzy słyną z dżihadu i niezłomności. Ponadto, powiedział, po wyjściu sił USA, nie szukali zemsty, ale natychmiast wyciągnęli rękę do afgańskiego narodu w przebaczeniu. 'Adlan podkreslił, że jeśli istotnie talibowie zawarli umowę z Amerykanami w celu spowodowania ich wycofania się, to nie ma w tym żadnego wstydu. W rzeczywistości, jest to podobne do Traktatu z Hudajbijja, zawartego przez Proroka Mahometa z pogańskim plemieniem Kurajszów, który towarzysze Proroka poczatkowo uważali z upokarzający kompromis, aż zrozumieli rozmiary korzyści, jakie oferował. Wyrażając niepokój, że społeczność międzynarodowa będzie ingerować w Afganistanie i nie da talibom sprostać wyzwaniom rządzenia krajem, 'Adlan wezwał Turcję, Pakistan lub Malezję, by wzięli Taliban pod swoje skrzydła i pomogli mu w negocjowaniu w korytarzach międzynarodowej dyplomacji. Wyraził pewność, że Afganistan pod rządami Talibanu będzie wzorem islamskich rządów i kultury.  

Należy wspomnieć, że inni członkowie IUMS publikowali artykuły w podobnym duchu, w których radośnie witali powrót Talibanu do władzy i wygnanie Amerykanów z kraju.[1]

[Dalszy tekst – fragmenty artykułu ‘Adlana – nie jest spolszczony]

 

Dr. Attia 'Adlan (Source: Youtube.com)
Dr. Attia 'Adlan (Source: Youtube.com)

The following are translated excerpts from 'Adlan’s article.[2]

„The current situation of the [Islamic] nation is puzzling! Is [this nation] so steeped in sorrow that it is incapable of feeling joy? Or has it fallen [so often] into the traps on the path of death that it has begun looking around [in fear] even when treading on safe and level ground, because 'once bitten, twice shy,’ as they say[?] Although I find it puzzling, I understand this anomalous situation and treat is as a short and passing illness. But what troubles and disgusts me is the concern expressed in public by 'Muslim intellectuals’… who apparently fear that [all] the achievements of human civilization [will be lost] because of these course desert people [the Taliban], who have overthrown the 'civilization of Kabul,’ and whose 'extremism’ now threatens women’s freedom and the rules of the democratic game.

„They say [the Taliban and the U.S.] made a deal. So what? Where is the shame in that?!… [Perhaps] such deals will enable us, if not to [actually] rule Egypt, Syria, Libya, Yemen, Iraq, Lebanon and Tunisia, then at least to release the detainees and abductees, rescue those who have been sentenced to death and return the preachers to their mosques and the exiles to their countries. The world of politics is a big bazar where wild beasts and hyenas struggle [for survival], all based on deals and on intersecting interests, and in which [transactions] are made in interests rather than cash. The Treaty of Hudaybiyya,[3] for example, was a deal which the Prophet’s companions regarded as a humiliating compromise – until the extent of the achievements [it afforded] became apparent, [achievements] that had been concealed under a thin outer layer of flaws and concessions, which was all that could be seen at the time.

„I do not fear the Taliban. On the contrary, I fear for them. I am not concerned about [the fate of] Afghanistan under the Taliban or about the future or reputation of Islamic action. First, because the [Taliban] are admirable people, all of them graduates of Deobandi shari’a schools, [4] known for their independence, ingenious teaching methods, sound education and rightly-guided curricula. Second, because they are Maturidi Hanafis[5] who do not deviate from the tradition and do not commit sins… and who, thanks to their steadfastness and jihad, have become a byword for their power, impact, persistence, patience and honesty, for their organizational awareness and military maturity, and for their outstanding ability to maneuver and manage their struggle. The third reason is that, when they rose [to power after the American] withdrawal, they did what was expected of them and extended their hand in forgiveness, avoided taking revenge [on their rivals] and spread genuine security and calm in the land.

„We do not fear such people… As for [the claim that] the American withdrawal was part of a deal, [the details of] this deal will [only] be revealed in the future, for the U.S. is unwilling to be humiliated by an organization that comes from the mountains… The U.S. itself actually knows that it can be humiliated and has been frequently humiliated in the past, but it [also] knows… how to handle defeat in a way that does not crush its arrogance or ruin its reputation. [As a matter of fact], we admit that it was not humiliated or defeated by the Taliban – although this would not have been inconceivable – for today’s struggles are not traditional fierce struggles that end in a decisive victory or defeat. There are deals that put an end to a conflict at a certain point, when each side tries to maximize its gains.  A deal does not necessarily mean the betrayal or relinquishing of principles, especially when both sides have real leverage.

„[But] I do fear for the Taliban. First of all because of the iron cage that the so-called global order is bound to impose on them, which will throttle them and keep them from acting… How can [the Taliban] survive… while the hypocritical world screams in outrage… asking, 'What shall we do about the Taliban?’ Second, I fear for them because of the magnitude of the responsibility [they bear], which can kill them and eliminate them without the need to fire a single shot. This is because, when one anticipates victory over an enemy that has oppressed one for a long time, one imagines that the military victory is the final challenge. Once it is achieved one forgets about the huge challenges that still await. The huge and important military victory achieved by the Taliban is only a small part of the challenges [it faces]. The largest are [the challenges] of building a state over the rubble of the [previous] regime, which is in ruins…; restoring security to a large country and a rigid tribal [society] which existed for years amid armed gangs and conflicts that refused to wane or end; feeding a people that has lived in the iron of poverty, hunger and want for four decades or more, and treating the illnesses of ignorance, poverty, tribalism, radical clannishness, etc.

„In terms of politics and managing a state, the Taliban is now like an infant of outstanding genius who is nevertheless still a crawling infant and needs someone to take it by the hand and lead it down the convoluted paths of the international community and initiate it into [the world of] diplomacy, on rocky roads full of traps and bandits. If [the Taliban] does not find someone to mentor it, it will no doubt find it difficult to act… For this reason, it vitally needs to form ties with friendly elements in the tumultuous arena that is the international community, and Muslim countries like Turkey, Pakistan and Malaysia must help it by initiating collaborations with it in many areas.

„The future importance of the Taliban’s experience lies in the [fact that] the Islamic world needs a role model… which will restore its revolutionary [fervor] and renew its achievements, so it can begin the process of building: constructing an [Islamic] state, an economy and all the cultural systems. We are optimistic about this experience, welcome it and [believe that] good tidings will soon be coming out of Kabul…”


[1] Iumsonline.org, August 23, 25, 27, 2021.

[2] Iumsonline.org, August 19, 2021.

[3] A ceasefire signed in 628 by the Prophet Muhammad and the Meccan Quraysh tribe, for  period of ten years.

[4] The Deoband was a revivalist Sunni Islamic movement founded in India in 1866, whose political arm, established in 1919, played an important role in the struggle for Indian independence.

[5] Maturidiyya is one of the orthodox schools of Sunni Islamic theology, prevailing mainly in the Hanafi school of jurisprudence.