Autor: C. Meital*
Wprowadzenie
W ostatnich miesiącach narastały napięcia między Koptami a muzułmanami w Egipcie. Powtarzająca się przemoc między muzułmanami a Koptami na wiejskich obszarach Górnego Egiptu w okręgach Minja i Bani Suef [1] doprowadziła do wzrastających protestów Kościoła koptyjskiego [2], co wymagało nawet interwencji prezydenta Abdela Fattaha Al-Sisiego, który w lipcu 2016 r. spotkał się z patriarchą koptyjskim, Tawadrosem II, w próbie uspokojenia i zapewnienia społeczności koptyjskiej [3]. W świetle tych wydarzeń rząd egipski wraz z przedstawicielami Kościoła koptyjskiego z całego kraju zjednoczyli siły, by promować prawo regulujące budowę i renowację kościołów w Egipcie; prawo to otrzymało ostateczne zatwierdzenie prezydenckie 28 września 2016 r. [4].
Nowe prawo reguluje budowę i renowację kościołów oraz związanych z nim obiektów oraz ustanawia prawną definicję terminu “kościół” oraz innych związanych z tym terminów. Według tego prawa radca prawny Kościoła koptyjskiego będzie przedstawiał prośbę o budowę lub renowację kościoła miejscowemu gubernatorowi, który ma cztery miesiące na odpowiedź; jeśli odmówi prośbie, musi szczegółowo podać przyczyny. Prawo stanowi także, że wielkość kościoła i przylegających do niego budynków będzie ustalana według wielkości populacji i jej potrzeb [5].
Przed uchwaleniem tego prawa, na początku sierpnia 2016 r., informowano, że rząd egipski i Kościół koptyjski (który składa się z trzech gałęzi: ortodoksyjnej, ewangelickiej i katolickiej) osiągnęli porozumienie co do sformułowań prawa [6]. Jednak, podczas gdy niektórzy posłowie do parlamentu, szczególnie Koptowie, byli zadowoleni, mówiąc, że pomoże ono zakończyć konflikt religijny, inni, wśród nich poseł 'Atef Machlif, argumentowali, że niektóre paragrafy są niewyraźne, takie jak paragraf 2 dotyczący wielkości kościołów [7]. Paragraf stanowi: „Rozmiar kościoła i towarzyszących budynków, dla których złożone zostało podanie o pozwolenie [budowy], musi być zgodny z liczbą i potrzebami chrześcijan na obszarze, gdzie będą zbudowane, biorąc pod uwagę stopę wzrostu populacji…” [8]
Kościół ortodoksyjny wydał oświadczenie, że “zmiany są nie do przyjęcia i ma niepraktyczne dodatki” zostały uczynione w uzgodnionych sformułowaniach, “co może zagrozić narodowej jedności w Egipcie z powodu ich złożoności i wad oraz z powodu nie wzięcia pod uwagę uczuć narodowych i praw obywatelskich Koptów w Egipcie” [9].
Po tych zastrzeżeniach do proponowanych sformułowań prawa ze strony niektórych Koptów i posłów, rząd pospiesznie przedyskutował sporne paragrafy, obawiając się wzrostu napięcia między muzułmanami a Koptami [10]. Ponadto przedstawiciele Kościoła spotkali się z egipskim ministrem ds. prawnych i parlamentarnych, Magdym Al-Agatym [11] i premier egipski, Szerif Isma’il spotkał się z patriarchą Tawadrosem II [12].
25 sierpnia Kościół ogłosił, że osiągnął porozumienie z rządem w sprawie sformułowań w prawie [13], które zostało zatwierdzone przez parlament pięć dni później, 30 sierpnia. Salaficka partia Al-Nour pozostała przeciwna; jej członkowie wstrzymali się od głosu i wyszli z Sali po głosowaniu [14], a poseł z ramienia Al-Nour, Mohammad Isma’il Gadallah, powiedział, że to prawo doprowadzi do wymazania islamskiej tożsamości Egiptu [15]. Po uchwaleniu prawa patriarcha Tawardos II podziękował przedstawicielom państwa, włącznie z prezydentem Sisim i premierem Isma’ilem, podkreślając: „To prawo ma na celu poprawienie błędu, który trwał przez 160 lat” [16].
W odróżnieniu od pozytywnych reakcji przedstawicieli Kościoła na to prawo, od początku procesu ratyfikacyjnego w rządzie i parlamencie wywoływało ono oburzenie i przeciwstawiało mu się wiele postaci publicznych i medialnych, włącznie z Koptami, liberałami i islamistami. Tak na przykład, ortodoksyjny prawnik koptyjski, Naguib Gabriel, powiedział, że prawo nie przynosi równości między obywatelami i wyraził zastrzeżenia do paragrafu 2 o wielkości kościoła, proporcjonalnej do wielkości lokalnej populacji chrześcijańskiej. Nie istnieją takie ograniczenia, powiedział, w sprawie budowy meczetów [17]. Kamal Zakher, koordynator ruchu Świeckich Koptów, skrytykował pospieszną pracę parlamentu nad tym prawem, argumentując, że dzieli to muzułmanów i chrześcijan [18]. Dodał, że kilka ruchów koptyjskich, jak również postaci publiczne, politycy i organizacje społeczeństwa obywatelskiego przedstawiły oficjalne memorandum prezydentowi Al-Sisi, prosząc, by nie podpisywał prawa i zamiast tego skierował je z powrotem do parlamentu [19]. Głównym argumentem przeciwko temu prawu jest, że ustawia chrześcijan oddzielnie od reszty społeczeństwa egipskiego i że kwestia budowy kościołów powinna być włączona w szersze, bardziej ogólne prawo, regulujące budowę wszystkich miejsc religijnych [20].
Prezydent Al-Sisi spotyka się z patriarchą koptyjskim Tawadros II (Al-Ahram, Egipt, 29lipca 2016)
Poniżej znajdują się [nie spolszczone] artykuły zarówno Koptów, jak muzułmanów egipskich, odzwierciedlające dyskusję prowadzoną w tej sprawie przez cały proces zatwierdzania prawa przez rząd i parlament:
Coptic MPs: Apply The Same Law To Churches And Mosques
Coptic MP: Current Law Does Not Solve The Problem Of Churches
Before the passage of the law, Dr. 'Imad Gad, a Coptic MP and deputy chairman of the Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies, argued that it would not change the harsh reality faced by churches, and that a separate law for churches would divide Christians and Muslims. He suggested that there should be instead a single law for all houses of worship:
„The law in its current form does not solve the problem of the old churches and does not address the problem of building new ones. The government purposely dodged this, and behind the scenes are the security apparatuses – particularly the national security apparatuses – who are ready to hunt down and exploit instances of ambiguous wording in order to deal with the whole issue. This is why the Orthodox Church expressed the hope that the law would be implemented honestly and in accordance with the assurances that it provided.
„The law allows the governor of the district in question to decide on a request [to construct or renovate a church] within four months, but does not set out what course of action should be pursued if the request is denied – neither sanctions on governors who repeatedly reject requests, nor a channel for filing a complaint about injustice or a governor’s rejection… Therefore, there is nothing new here… With regard to building new churches, the governor may deny the request, and the party submitting the request must turn to the courts and go through the process of filing a complaint, which can take years…
„As for the message that this law conveys: Passing a law concerning the construction and renovation of churches that is separate from a law concerning the construction and renovation of mosques will only deepen the religious discrimination among Egypt’s [citizens], and splinter the unity between a Muslim Egyptian and a Christian Egyptian, and between a mosque and a church, so that each have their own space and their own law. Therefore, all Egyptians must join forces to oppose this law and demand a single law for houses of worship…
„We must pass a law with only two sections that will fundamentally solve this problem and end the tension that has existed in our hearts for decades and the whole debate on this issue by setting uniform, objective standards for [both] mosques and churches. The 'Egyptians Against Religious Discrimination’ group has already drawn up both sections of this law. Section 1 states: 'All unauthorized Christian houses of worship that host religious worship at the time of the passage of this law will become licensed, so that the sections of this [new] law [only] apply to Christian houses of worship that are to be constructed, reinforced, renovated, expanded, or have stories added.’ Section 2 states: 'All regulations regarding the construction, maintenance, renovation, and expansion… of houses of worship serving Egypt’s Muslim citizens, or regarding adjacent structures that serve them, will apply [also] to the houses of worship of Egypt’s Christian citizens.’ Thus this pointless debate surrounding church building will end.” [21]
Coptic Intellectual: There Must Be Social Consensus About Church Construction Law
Also prior to the law’s passage, Gamal As’ad, a Coptic intellectual and former MP, attacked both the Salafi Al-Nour party and what he referred to as „Coptic activists.” About the former, he argued that the party’s opposition to the law constituted explicit support for revoking Copts’ rights and citizenships and for marginalizing them; regarding the latter, he said that their actions are enraging Muslims and fueling the Muslim-Copt schism. He wrote:
„Every law is aimed at regulating the internal ties among sectors of the public and between the public and the regime. There must be a social consensus about a law’s importance in order to create an agreement that will allow it to be implemented… [In the Copts’ case,] there are obstacles that prevent us from thinking that the problem of the churches was solved when this law was passed, because the Salafi stream, represented by the Al-Nour Party, champions beliefs and opinions that are in line with its own partisan and political interests, and exploits the religious sphere for political purposes… The [Al-Nour party’s] rejection of the churches law is not a normal political and parliamentary expression, but an explicit statement [in support of] revoking the rights and citizenship of the other, and marginalizing him, while flouting the constitution…
„On the other hand, there are the so-called 'Coptic activists’ who are the other side of the same coin, even if passively, because they act just like [Al-Nour] and bring about the same results. They and others hijack this issue in order to make their presence known, and they delude themselves that they are playing a role, when they are not sufficiently knowledgeable [to play it]. The strange thing is that these activists presume to demand a civil state, but at the same time their methods perpetuate a religious state. They speak on behalf of their sect and make sectarian demands on a sectarian basis, and this angers the Muslim majority, as if [their demands] were aimed at preventing the construction of mosques, not obtaining a law for churches. They do this instead of acting to create a [sympathetic] political environment that includes and unites everyone, because if everyone is not satisfied, and if everyone is not included, it will not help solve this or other problems. Therefore, before this law [is passed], it is more important to eliminate the atmosphere that [the Coptic activists] are exploiting. This is an obligation for everyone, on all levels – starting with Al-Azhar and the [Coptic] Church.” [22]
Muslim Egyptian Writers: The Church Construction Law Undermines Christian-Muslim Equality
Egyptian Writer: Building Houses Of Worship Is Not Just A Christian Right – The Law Must Apply To Everyone
Muslim Al-Ahram columnist Dr. Osama Al-Ghazali Harb argued that the law, if passed, I don’t want to say „prior to the passage of the law” yet again would express the failure of the civil state and the citizenship law, and called on parliament to reject it. He said that there was need for a more general law regulating the construction of houses of worship, and that such a bill should be discussed by all Christian and Muslim citizens – not by Christians and the government. He wrote:
„The current debate in parliament regarding the church construction law is a failure of the civil state in Egypt and the citizenship law, and history will hold accountable anyone who took part in it, whether Christian or Muslim, [for the following reasons:]
„- The claim that this law implements Section 235 of the constitution – which states that 'in its first legislative term following the effective date of this Constitution, the House of Representatives shall issue a law to regulate constructing and renovating churches, in a manner that guarantees the freedom to practice religious rituals for Christians’ – does not rule out the possibility that this will be carried out under a more general law regarding the construction of [all] houses of worship. Section 64 of the constitution supports my claim, as it states that freedom of religious worship and the freedom to establish houses of worship are anchored in the law, that is, it does not restrict the legal arrangement in this matter to churches only.
„- The sides in this debate are not only the government and the Church, but are, first and foremost the Christian and Muslim citizens; their religious institutions are to join the debate later on. The argument that the Church represents the Copts is purely sectarian; this debate should be conducted by all citizens, Copts and Muslims, as citizens with equal rights and obligations, and without differentiation or discrimination.
„- It would be unfortunate and shameful to forgo [the passing of] a single law for the construction of houses of worship for both Muslims and Christians, and to refer only to the construction of churches…
„I call on parliament to oppose the church construction bill and to go back to the concept of a single law for houses of worship. If the Egyptian parliament indeed does this, then it will go down in history... Finally, I say to President Al-Sisi that his visit to St. Mark’s [Coptic] Cathedral [in Alexandria] to extent holiday greetings to the Copts was a wise move indicating his interest in them, and the Copts accepted this with love, esteem, and gratitude, as he deserved. However, there is [still] a great need for [improving] the full rights of Cops in Egypt after the January 25 and June 30 revolutions.” [23]
Muslim Writer: The Law Constitutes A Church Crime Against Struggling Christians, And It Revokes Their Equality In The Homeland
Muslim Al-Masri Al-Yawm writer Hamdi Razaq criticized the Egyptian churches, claiming that they agreed to the law in return for approval for installing bells in church towers and placing crosses atop them, and accused them of actualizing the extremist Muslim plan to marginalize Christians and revoke their citizenship. He wrote:
„The 15th draft of the church construction bill explicitly refers to church towers with bells and crosses. Is the problem really bells and crosses?…
„The three churches [Orthodox, Catholic, and Evangelist] have willingly signed on to something that the Muslim Brotherhood, Salafis, and their supporters were unable to accomplish. The latter’s historic plan was to revoke the Christians’ citizenship and single them out in their homeland by means of a bell and a cross. [It is as if they said:] 'Here is the bell and the cross that make you Christians in the homeland, instead of citizens. You are dhimmi, [non-Muslims protected by] others.
„The evil of the Salafi [Egyptian] state is terrible. It hanged Christians from bells and crosses as it passed its shameful law. The Christians shouted, Where is the bell? Where is the cross? The bell and the cross distracted them from a law revoking their citizenship and expelling them from the public, as if the Christians’ [entire] cause depends on a cross…
„This law is a perfectly grounded crime against the homeland, and its passage, with the consent of the three churches, is a crime against the Christians by the churches. All those who worked to pass this law, [it is as if] they plunged a knife deep into the heart of the state… [by] accepting this law as approved, as if it was preordained.
„The Egyptians’ struggle for equality in a single homeland has become an illusion. The chances of [equal] citizenship have been reduced to a cross on a bell tower… The Egyptian homeland will not accept any distinction between Muslim and Christian, church and mosque, bell tower and minaret, bell and [Muslim] call to prayer, crescent and cross. Throughout Egypt’s history, its crescent has embraced its cross, and its cross has been at the heart of the crescent – because that is how Egypt was designed.
„If the government has committed a crime by proposing this law, then the Church’s crime is even worse. Both have transgressed against the civil state, against every Egyptian – and against the Muslims even before the Christians. Lately, we Muslims and Christians have become brothers – [but] unfortunately it is as a result of [the government’s] harmful partnership with the Salafis.
„To those of you who raise a ruckus about the cross – where is the motto of 'citizens, not subjects’? Who decided on this unfair differentiation between a law for mosques and a law for churches?… Tolerance has been lost deep in our hearts, and our homeland has become a place… where Christians [need to] pray in their homeland under [the protection of a special] law… We are not at the mercy of the Salafis. Do not discriminate among us on the basis of religion. This law is religious discrimination of the first degree…
„A law for a bell and a cross… brings us back to the ancient period of dhimmi [that is, when Jews and Christians lived under Muslim rule]. Is this law appropriate for Egypt? We have nothing to do with this law, and the bell hangs around the necks of all of us – both rulers and ruled.” [24]
* C. Meital is a research fellow at MEMRI.
Endnotes:
[1] For more on violent anti-Copt incidents, see MEMRI Inquiry & Analysis Series Report No. 1265, Three Years Into Al-Sisi’s Rule: Difficult Challenges At Home And Abroad, August 14, 2016.
[2] For example, Tawadros II said that there have been 37 assaults on Copts in the past three years, and that the church, which has thus far managed to contain Coptic rage in and out of Egypt, cannot continue to do so for much longer. Al-Masri Al-Yawm (Egypt), July 25, 2016. Criticism was also voiced by Copts in exile in the U.S., among them a Bishop known as Mark Aziz, who claimed that Al-Sisi deceived them regarding addressing this matter. Egyptian Copts, who are among Al-Sisi’s supporters, dismissed this criticism from abroad. Al-Misryyoun (Egypt), July 21, 2016; Akhbar Al-Yawm (Egypt), July 23, 2016.
[3] Al-Sisi and Tawadros II met on July 28, 2016 and discuss interfaith tensions in Egypt and the importance of national unity. Al-Ahram (Egypt), July 29, 2016.
[4] Al-Shurouq (Egypt), September 28, 2016.
[5] Al-Yawm Al-Sabi’ (Egypt), August 30, 2016.
[6] Al-Yawm Al-Sabi’ (Egypt), August 2, 2016.
[7] Al-Yawm Al-Sabi’ (Egypt), August 4, 2016.
[8] Al-Yawm Al-Sabi’ (Egypt), August 30, 2016.
[9] Al-Ahram (Egypt), August 19, 2016.
[10] Al-Masri Al-Yawm (Egypt), August 19, 2016.
[11] Al-Yawm Al-Sabi’ (Egypt), August 8, 2016; Al-Watan (Egypt), August 20, 2016.
[12] Al-Ahram (Egypt), August 23, 2016.
[13] Al-Masri Al-Yawm (Egypt), August 25, 2016. The law was published in full in Al-Masri Al-Yawm on August 27.
[14] Al-Ahram (Egypt), August 31, 2016; Al-Watan (Egypt), August 30, 2016.
[15] Al-Yawm Al-Sabi’ (Egypt), August 30, 2016.
[16] Al-Masri Al-Yawm (Egypt), August 31, 2016.
[17] Rassd.com, August 31, 2016. Egypt has no laws regarding mosque construction, and they are built in accordance with conditions set out in 2001 by then minister of religious endowments Mahmoud Hamdi Zakzouk and passed by the government. According to those conditions, a mosque can only be built when the existing mosques in a certain area are insufficient to serve the local worshippers; a new mosque cannot be built within 50 meters of an existing mosque or on stolen or disputed land; and no mosque may be smaller than 175 square meters. The Ministry of Religious Endowments is in charge of approving new mosques. 'Abd Al-Ghani Hindi, the coordinator of the Popular Movement for an Independent Al-Azhar, said that the most recent law regulating mosques was passed in 1949 under President Nasser, but only dealt with the administration of large mosques, and that no laws regulate the construction and administration mosques in general. He stressed that Zakzouk’s conditions are regulations, not law, and that that they are currently not implemented, because the Ministry of Religious Endowments is never contacted before construction on a new mosque begins. Al-Watan (Egypt), July 20, 2016.
[18] Al-Masri Al-Yawm (Egypt), September 1, 2016.
[19] Al-Watan (Egypt), September 6, 2016.
[20] Writer 'Adel Naaman claimed that the law was a Salafi law. Al-Masri Al-Yawm (Egypt), August 31, 2016. Dr. Mustafa Al-Fiqi wrote that he would have preferred the law to be a „Construction of Places of Worship Law” instead. However, he said that the law was a mark of pride for the government, and that he hoped it would end sectarian hostilities in the country. Al-Masri Al-Yawm (Egypt), August 30, 2016.
[21] Al-Watan (Egypt), August 27, 2016.
[22] Al-Yawm Al-Sabi’ (Egypt), September 5, 2016.
[23] Al-Ahram (Egypt), August 31, 2016.
[24] Al-Masri Al-Yawm (Egypt), August 28, 2016.
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