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W ostatnich miesi\u0105cach przyw\u00f3dca Fatahu Marwan Al-Barghouti, kt\u00f3ry odsiaduje pi\u0119ciokrotn\u0105 kar\u0119 do\u017cywocia w Izraelu za zorganizowanie zamach\u00f3w terrorystycznych podczas drugiej intifady, znowu by\u0142 wymieniany jako potencjalny kandydat na prezydenta Autonomii Palesty\u0144skiej (AP) po odej\u015bciu Mahmouda Abbasa. Dzieje si\u0119 to w czasie krytyki Abbasa jako prezydenta i jako przewodnicz\u0105cego Fataku i OWP, jak r\u00f3wnie\u017c w\u0142asnych o\u015bwiadcze\u0144 Abbasa, \u017ce nie b\u0119dzie kandydowa\u0142 w nast\u0119pnych wyborach prezydenckich. \u017bona Barghoutiego, Fadwa, powiedzia\u0142a 24 lutego 2016 r., \u017ce jej m\u0105\u017c planuje wysuni\u0119cie swojej kandydatury na prezydenta<\/A> [1]<\/A>.<\/I> Barghouti ma szerokie poparcie w spo\u0142ecze\u0144stwie palesty\u0144skim, szczeg\u00f3lnie w\u015br\u00f3d aktywist\u00f3w Fatahu, w\u0142\u0105cznie z sekretarzem Komitetu Wykonawczego OWP, Saebem Erekatem i sekretarzem Komitetu Rewolucyjnego Fatahu, Aminem Makboulem, kt\u00f3rzy zadeklarowali popieranie jego kandydatury na prezydenta. Jego zwolennicy rozumiej\u0105 problem, jaki stanowi jego zamkni\u0119cie w wi\u0119zieniu w Izraelu, z kt\u00f3rego to powodu nazywaj\u0105 go \u201epalesty\u0144skim Mandel\u0105\u201d i por\u00f3wnuj\u0105 go do tego przyw\u00f3dcy po\u0142udniowoafryka\u0144skiego, kt\u00f3ry z wi\u0119zienia kierowa\u0142 walk\u0105 swojego narodu.<\/I> Przez ostatni rok kampanie popieraj\u0105ca Barghoutiego by\u0142a prowadzona na Facebooku. Na przyk\u0142ad, w maju 2015 r. rozpocz\u0119to hasztag \u201eBarghouti na prezydenta\u201d, a w grudniu 2015 r. po\u015bwi\u0119cono stron\u0119 Facebooka \u201ekampanii lojalno\u015bci dla uwi\u0119zionego dow\u00f3dcy Marwana Barghoutiego\u201d. W reakcji na o\u015bwiadczenie Fadwy Barghouti, \u017ce planuje on uczestniczy\u0107 w wyborach prezydenckich, na tej stronie o\u015bwiadczono, \u017ce \u201euwi\u0119ziony dow\u00f3dca Marwan Barghouti us\u0142ucha\u0142 woli ulicy palesty\u0144skiej i og\u0142osi\u0142 zamiar starania si\u0119 o prezydentur\u0119. Ta decyzja jest kluczowym [krokiem ku] poprawieniu kursu sprawy palesty\u0144skiej i uratowaniu ruchu narodowego”<\/A> [2]<\/A>.<\/I> Poza Barghoutim nikt inny nie zadeklarowa\u0142 intencji kandydowania na prezydenta, a nawet pozycja Barghoutiego nie jest ca\u0142kiem jasna po tym, jak 26 marca 2016 r. jego \u017cona, Fadwa, wyja\u015bni\u0142a, \u017ce nie ma sensu og\u0142aszanie jego kandydatury, skoro nie ustalono \u017cadnej daty wybor\u00f3w. Powiedzia\u0142a, \u017ce kiedy data zostanie ustalona, og\u0142osi on swoje stanowisko w tej sprawie<\/A> [3]<\/A>. Prasa, g\u0142\u00f3wnie nie-palesty\u0144ska, wspomnia\u0142a kilku potencjalnych kandydat\u00f3w, w\u0142\u0105cznie z by\u0142ym premierem, Salamem Fajjadem; sekretarzem Komitetu Wykonawczego OWP i g\u0142\u00f3wnym negocjatorem palesty\u0144skim, Saebem Erekatem; cz\u0142onkiem Komitetu Wykonawczego Fatahu, Nasserem Al-Kidw\u0105, kt\u00f3ry jest siostrze\u0144cem Jasera Arafata; cz\u0142onkiem Palesty\u0144skiej Rady Ustawodawczej, Muhammadem Dahlanem, kt\u00f3ry zosta\u0142 wyrzucony z Fatahu po tym, jak Abbas oskar\u017cy\u0142 go o spiskowanie przeciwko niemu; przewodnicz\u0105cym Palesty\u0144skiej Federacji Pi\u0142ki No\u017cnej i cz\u0142onkiem Komitetu Centralnego Fatahu D\u017cibrilem Rad\u017coubem; szefem si\u0142 bezpiecze\u0144stwa na Zachodnim Brzegu Mad\u017cedem Farad\u017cem; i by\u0142ym szefem wywiadu palesty\u0144skiego Tawfikiem Al-Tirawim, obecnie dow\u00f3dc\u0105 akademii wojskowej AP w Jerycho.<\/I> 22 marca 2016 r. gazeta palesty\u0144ska \u201cAl-Kuds\u201d z siedzib\u0105 w Jerozolimie wschodniej, opublikowa\u0142a artyku\u0142 Barghoutiego, w kt\u00f3rym kwestionuje on obecn\u0105 polityk\u0119 AP i jej szefa, Mahmouda Abbasa. Pisze on, \u017ce \u201epowszechne przebudzenie\u201d, jak Palesty\u0144czycy nazywaj\u0105 obecn\u0105 fal\u0119 zamach\u00f3w, jest \u201ewyra\u017an\u0105 odpowiedzi\u0105\u201d na pora\u017ck\u0119 negocjacji, kt\u00f3re okaza\u0142y si\u0119 bezsensowne i iluzoryczne. Wyrazi\u0142 jednak zaw\u00f3d, \u017ce od rozpocz\u0119cia tej fali \u017caden Palesty\u0144czyk, Arab ani grupy mi\u0119dzynarodowe nie przyj\u0119\u0142y tego przebudzenia w celu ruszenia do nowego rodzaju wszechstronnego i powszechnego powstania. Podkre\u015bli\u0142, \u017ce przed rozpocz\u0119ciem takiego powstania potrzebna jest jedno\u015b\u0107 narodowa; co wa\u017cniejsze, potrzebne jest odrodzenie dyskursu wyzwolenia narodowego, kt\u00f3ry zosta\u0142 zmarginalizowany przez bezsensowne negocjacje i przez zaj\u0119cie si\u0119 \u201elegalno\u015bci\u0105 i rezolucjami ONZ, kt\u00f3re nie s\u0105 zwi\u0105zane z rzeczywisto\u015bci\u0105 w terenie\u201d. <\/I> Barghouti twierdzi, \u017ce wznowienie dyskursu wyzwolenia narodowego pomog\u0142oby AP wyzwoli\u0107 si\u0119 z zale\u017cno\u015bci od Izraela i w zako\u0144czeniu wsp\u00f3\u0142pracy w sprawie bezpiecze\u0144stwa oraz umo\u017cliwi\u0142oby podzia\u0142 pracy mi\u0119dzy AP a grupami oporu, tak \u017ce AP dostarcza\u0142aby us\u0142ug populacji, podczas gdy organizacje oporu mia\u0142y by za zadanie konfrontowanie Izraela.<\/I> Barghouti oskar\u017cy\u0142 AP o zdradzenie swojej roli i odmawianie Palesty\u0144czykom wolno\u015bci, co, jak powiedzia\u0142, tworzy fiksacj\u0119 ideologiczn\u0105, kt\u00f3ra nie dopuszcza m\u0142odszego pokolenia do kr\u0119gu decydent\u00f3w i brania udzia\u0142u w akcjach na rzecz wyzwolenia narodowego. Oskar\u017cy\u0142 OWP o zaniechanie pokazania wizji politycznej i spo\u0142ecznej, kt\u00f3ra jest zgodna z koncepcj\u0105 demokratycznego i o\u015bwieconego wyzwolenia narodowego.<\/I> Powiedzia\u0142 nast\u0119pnie, \u017ce odnowienie dyskursu wyzwolenia narodowego wyra\u017anie odr\u00f3\u017cni\u0142oby Palesty\u0144czyk\u00f3w od \u201etakfiri\u201d – globalnych organizacji d\u017cihadystycznych, takich jak ISIS i Al-Kaida – i uplasowa\u0142oby ich jako ruch wyzwolenia i oporu w obozie, kt\u00f3ry or\u0119duje za post\u0119pem i wolno\u015bci\u0105 i sprzeciwia si\u0119 wojnom i okupacji.<\/I> Ponadto Barghouti wzywa do pojednania mi\u0119dzy Fatahem i Hamasem, do w\u0142\u0105czenia wszystkich frakcji palesty\u0144skich do instytucji OWP, wci\u0105gni\u0119cia m\u0142odzie\u017cy i kobiet do polityki, unikania korupcji i wyzwolenia si\u0119 z apatii i mentalno\u015bci marginalizacji i autokracji, jaka dominuje w AP. Wezwa\u0142 tak\u017ce do zorganizowania szczytu, w kt\u00f3rym udzia\u0142 wezm\u0105 przedstawiciele wszystkich Palesty\u0144czyk\u00f3w, w\u0142\u0105cznie z tymi, kt\u00f3rzy \u017cyj\u0105 w Izraelu i w diasporze. <\/I> Poni\u017cej znajduj\u0105 si\u0119 (niespolszczone) fragmenty tego artyku\u0142u<\/A> [4]<\/A>:<\/I> We Must Promote National Unity, Transition To Comprehensive Intifada<\/B> „History must march forward, and it is a grave error to stand in its way. The resistance of the peoples to imperialism, injustice, oppression, occupation, enslavement, exploitation, and aggression against human dignity is in line with the natural progression [of history]. Additionally, the relationship between a people subjected to oppression and imperialism and the colonialist imperialism [itself] is one of rejection, resistance, and boycott by all ways and means – it is not coexistence or ceasefire. „The current popular awakening, much like the 2000 Al-Aqsa Intifada, reflects the stark contradiction between the imperialists and those subordinate to them. It is a clear answer to the failure of the option of negotiations, and allows the path to be changed and positions to be clarified. „It is regrettable that in this uprising, which has continued for five months with no signs of stopping, there has yet to be one local, Arab, or international element to adopt it politically, socially, informationally, and financially, or to move it forward into a comprehensive popular intifada and to equip it with goals and a political view that do not just continue the previous phase, with its miserable leaders and policy. „We desperately need to turn the awakening into a popular intifada of a new kind, different from the first and second intifadas… But the transition to a comprehensive intifada requires that we first end the schism, and then that we actualize national unity, because that is an impetus for a popular awakening and is a fundamental element in the victory of national liberation movements and movements to liberate oppressed peoples.” From A Liberation Movement, The PA Has Turned Into A Mediator Between The Palestinian Residents And The Occupation; We Must Revive The Discourse Of National Liberation<\/B> „National unity is important, but the more important element in emerging from the crisis is the revival of the discourse of national liberation. [This discourse] can rebuild the Palestinian people’s alliance with democratic and progressive forces in the Arab world, and with peaceful elements that support popular liberation worldwide. „The pointless negotiations and their political path have robbed us to a great extent of the elements of the discourse of [Palestinian national] liberation, in favor of the discourse of legality and UN resolutions, which are not connected to the reality on the ground… „Renewing the discourse of national liberation will free us from the many demands that have transformed the PA from leader of a national liberation movement to mediator between the residents and the occupation, [dealing with] a long list of endless day-to-day matters for over 20 years. This equation has played up the PA at the expense of the PLO – not because of the PA’s strength, but because of the PLO’s weakness. This begs the question: Is dismantling the PA a necessary condition for reviving the PLO? „Reviving the discourse of the liberation movement will reposition the resistance and the PA as [elements] that complement each other, because the PA’s role will be reduced to maintaining steadfastness in terms of the economy, finance, education, healthcare, and more. As part of this role, it will relinquish its security role vis-\u00e0-vis the occupation, and will allow resistance to confront the imperialist [occupation] and its apparatuses.” The PA Has Betrayed Its Role, Usurped The People’s Freedoms<\/B> „The PA has betrayed its role in both parts of the homeland [West Bank and Gaza], and has usurped the residents’ freedoms – for it is inconceivable that a national liberation organization should suppress the liberties of its people while at the same time freeing the people’s homeland. It is also inconceivable that any political organization will control the future [of the Palestinian people] without controlling its [various] factions, because freedom is what builds and renews the national discourse and what enables us to invent the tools for struggle that are appropriate for each stage. Freedom is [also] the chief catalyst for dealing with the stagnation and atrophy in the factions’ and organizations’ thought that has impacted the entire national situation. This [ideological] fixation is preventing innovation and prevents young people from receiving key positions that will let them influence policy and positions, including rescuing the [Palestinian] national enterprise, and [likewise] prevents them from creating their own future and opening the door to future generations to also participate in national liberation activity. „If we wish to overcome the deficiencies of this phase, we must revive [our] discourse and our structure by adhering to the national liberation discourse and [incorporating] the young [generation] in the political structure, which will set us on an alternate national path.” The National Discourse Will Allow Us To Deal With The Takfiri Trend<\/B> „Reality abhors a vacuum, and today, unfortunately, the vacuum has been filled by the forces of takfiri ideology [i.e. ideology that accuses other Muslims of heresy, typical of the global jihadi organizations]. This ideology is spreading like wildfire, especially among the circles of young people, through the effective use of modern tools and by taking advantage of the fact that the occupation helps to create an environment that embraces takfiri discourse. [The occupation does] this with the aim of driving a wedge between the struggle to liberate Palestine and the democratic and progressive forces worldwide that support this struggle, by creating an ostensible symmetry between legitimate resistance and takfiri terrorism. „In light of the escalation in the closed, extremist Jewish ethno-nationalist discourse, we must cling to the enlightened national liberation discourse that is expressed in the terms of the Palestinian national charter and the [1988] document of independence, as well as the platform of the Palestinian factions and parties. „Unfortunately, the PLO factions have failed to present a new political-social-economic-educational vision that is in line with the idea of enlightened and democratic national liberation which is open to humane civilizations. „The revival and prioritization of the national and democratic discourse will set the boundary and the divider between us and the takfiri trends, and will underline our position as a liberation and resistance movement in the camp of liberation and progress that opposes the war, occupation, racism, colonialism, and tyranny in which Israel is entrenched. While the vanguard that led to the outbreak of the [Palestinian] revolution successfully captured the historic moment and brought the PLO into the forces of liberation, democracy, and justice that are on the right side of history, challenge that we are facing boils down to this: Can we revive that [original] moment and occasion?” We Need A Revolution To Establish The Elements Of Steadfastness; The PA Failed To Understand The Potential Of The Current Awakening<\/B> „The democratic national discourse is by itself not enough to overcome the crisis and move from helplessness and paralysis to action. We must implement a social, economic, and security policy that suits the discourse of the national liberation movement. „It is inconceivable for security coordination with the occupation authorities to continue while at the same time we are claiming to be a liberation movement that is fighting this occupation. It is inconceivable for the [Palestinian] Authority to establish failing societal frameworks and values, and to continue to pass antiquated laws that prevent society from advancing – especially vis-\u00e0-vis women, young people, and freedoms – while at the same time claiming that it is working towards liberation. It is impossible to separate the liberation of the land from the liberation of the people. There is no escape from revolutionizing education, ideology, and culture, as well as our code of laws, in order to establish the elements of steadfastness for our people and to give the young generation hope and confidence to continue and to develop its struggle in order to gain liberty, [the right of] return, and national independence.” „The Palestinian Authority failed to realize the meaning of the awakening that has provided a national compass with which we can change our path, [directing it] far away from the illusions of negotiations and false peace. The official leadership did not take advantage of this historic moment, continuing to march in place and repeat the same discourse and [use] the same tools, disconnected from the masses that took the first step to correct the path… and to bring the Palestinian cause back to the center of attention, in the shadow of the dramatic events in the Arab arena that have overshadowed the problem of Palestine.” We Must Create A New Elite Ready To Pay The Price Of National Liberation<\/B> „In order to emerge from the crisis, we must achieve national reconciliation, end the tragic schism, and reshape the Palestinian national movement and regime. This should be done by adopting a national plan based on the national charter, the document of independence, and the national consensus document drawn up by the prisoners;<\/A> [5] <\/A> by building full national partnership in the PLO, the [Palestinian] Authority, the Palestinian National Council, the Legislative Council, and the other institutions; by establishing democratic political pluralism by means of regular presidential and parliamentary elections that will include the Palestinian National Council, in order to bring in new blood and new minds; by creating a new, vital, and dynamic political elite committed to values and courageously prepared to pay the price exacted by a phase of national liberation that is distant from corruption, illegal profiteering, laxity, impotence, failure, and the mentality of marginalization and autocracy. „We require a new [social] structure in which women – 50% of society – are completely equal partners, and in which young men and women participate. We need a structure that adopts the principle of comprehensive resistance to the occupation and to the entire Zionist colonialist plan. „These phenomenal tasks require us to convene a national summit, with the participation of all political forces, social and economic activists, academic elites, and representatives from the youth, women, freed prisoners, and Palestinians in the 1948 territories and the diaspora.” Endnotes<\/I>: <\/A> [1] <\/A> Alresalah.ps, February 14, 2016. Visit the MEMRI site in Polish: <\/B>http:\/\/www2.memri.org\/polish\/<\/B><\/A>
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\n![](\"http:\/\/www2.memri.org\/polaco\/wp-content\/uploads\/2016\/12\/27553.jpg\")
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\nZdj\u0119cia zamieszczone na stronie „kampanii lojalno\u015bci” na Facebooku
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\n<\/A> [2] <\/A> Facebook.com\/President.marwan.barghouti, February 24, 2016.
\n<\/A> [3] <\/A> Amad.ps, March 26, 2016.
\n<\/A> [4] <\/A> Al-Quds<\/I> (Jerusalem), March 22, 2016.
\n<\/A> [5] <\/A> A document drafted in 2006 by representatives of the Palestinian factions in an Israeli prison, which called to incorporate Hamas and Islamic jihad in the PLO.
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